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庇隆主义

本页使用了标题或全文手工转换
维基百科,自由的百科全书
(重定向自庇隆主義
庇隆主义
Peronismo西班牙語
领袖克里斯蒂娜·费尔南德斯·德·基什内尔
创始人胡安·庇隆
成立1945年10月17日,​80年前​(1945-10-17
党员正义党
祖国联盟
意識形態
政治立場大帐篷
阿根廷总统胡安·庇隆与第一夫人伊娃·庇隆
正義黨创始人胡安·庇隆
阿根廷

阿根廷政府與政治
系列條目


现任哈维尔·米莱


其他国家 · 图集
政治主题

庇隆主义(西班牙語:Peronismo)又称正义主义Justicialismo),是一种民粹主义意识形态与政治运动,基于阿根廷前总统胡安·庇隆(1895—1974)的思想、学说和政治遗产[1]。庇隆主义以三大纲领为核心:“社会正义”(对抗社会与经济不平等)、“经济独立”(通过发展本国工业,使经济不依赖其他国家)以及“政治主权”(避免外国势力干涉国内事务)。庇隆主义1945年至今都是一股极具影响力的力量[2]

庇隆主义采取了进步保守的政策。进步政策包括扩大工人权利、实施女性选举权[3]、公立大学免学费,以及在与教会关系破裂后尝试推动的离婚法制定[4][5]。保守政策包括倡导民族自豪感、强烈的爱国主义军事化的治理方式,以及在公立学校推行天主教教育[5]。庇隆主义赋予工人阶级在政府中实质性地位,并实施改革以削弱阿根廷寡头的权力[6]。其改革措施还包括:宪法规定的住房权[7]、结束对原住民的压迫[8]、向地区立法机构增加工会代表[9]、冻结零售物价,以及为工人补贴食品[10]。庇隆主义提倡公民民族主义和民族团结,反对族裔民族主义[11]。冷战时期庇隆采取了第三立场,既不亲近美国,也不与苏联结盟。

意识形态

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许多政治学家将庇隆主义描述为社会主义[12]民族主义社会主义[13]、民粹社会主义[14]家长式社会主义[15]天主教社会主义以及非马克思主义社会主义等[16][17]。支持此观点的政治学家指出,庇隆建立了一个计划性、受到严格管制的经济体系,其中包括“由国有化产业和社会福利制度构成的庞大公共部门”,该体系具有再分配性质,并优先保障工人福利及赋权工会[18]。胡安·庇隆与危地马拉民主社会主义领袖胡安·何塞·阿雷瓦洛的密切关系,以及他对玻利维亚民族革命的大力支持,也被视为支持这一观点的论据[19]。尽管胡安·庇隆主张在美国和苏联这两大“帝国主义”之间走第三条道路,他仍然支持并成为古巴革命、智利阿连德政府以及中华人民共和国的密切盟友[20]。革命马克思主义者切·格瓦拉尽管出生于反庇隆主义家庭,但他认为庇隆主义是“一种拉丁美洲本土的社会主义形式,古巴革命可以与其站在同一阵营”[21]。一些马克思主义作家[a]也认为庇隆主义是一种真正的社会主义意识形态。

一些学者将庇隆主义描述为社会民主主义[26]激进劳工主义传统保守主义融合的家长式保守主义[27][28]。关于庇隆主义是否保守存在激烈争议,因为庇隆主义支持者认为他在社会层面是进步的[29],一些政治学家也将庇隆主义描述为社会进步主义[30]。主要的庇隆主义正义党,其政策随时代与不同政府而显著变化,但一般被认为是民粹主义[2][31]、“民族主义与劳工主义的模糊混合体[32]

庇隆主义通常被描述为左翼民粹主义[33],政治光谱被认为属于中间偏左[34]左翼和泛左翼[35]。政治学家佩雷拉指出,胡安·庇隆这样的左翼民粹主义者“可能会与右翼民粹主义者共享一些重要特质”[36]。不过,政治学家奥斯蒂吉认为“普通工人阶级非常清楚,庇隆绝不可能被视为右翼。因此他与左翼政党处于同一阵营。”[37]庇隆主义也被认为是一种民粹主义,试图否定精英与资本主义权力、赋权工人阶级选民,并帮助政治与经济上受压迫的群体[38]。该理念依赖一位领袖人物来带领民众[2]

庇隆自述

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胡安·庇隆将自己的意识形态和运动描述为左翼。他在1973年9月写道:“庇隆主义是一场左翼运动。但我们所倡导的左翼首先是正义主义左翼,而非共产主义无政府主义的左翼。正义主义左翼旨在实现一个让每个阿根廷人都能繁荣发展的社会。”[39]庇隆表示自己主要受到基督教社会主义、富兰克林·罗斯福哈罗德·拉斯基启发[40]。他认为自己的主要目标是实现并宣布阿根廷的经济独立,其实现方式包括让阿根廷资源国有化、国家控制经济、限制跨国公司与外国企业、财富再分配、强化工人阶级的力量,以及废除精英主义与“反国家”的资本主义。到1973年,庇隆采用的标语变成了“依附或解放”[41]。1971年7月,庇隆表示他的正义主义思想就是社会主义:

对我们来说,正义主义政府就是为人民服务的政府[...]我们的革命进程体现了个人与集体的需求,这是一种社会主义形式。正如正义主义所追求的那样,一种公正的社会主义,因此也被称为正义主义,即集体与内在条件发展起来的社会。[42]

1967年,庇隆表示:“不存在自由的经济制度。经济要么由国家掌控,要么由国际金融财团掌控。”[43]1953年致智利总统、友人卡洛斯·伊瓦涅斯·德尔坎波的信中,庇隆阐述了自己的治国理念:

尽你所能地给予人民,尤其是工人。当你觉得自己给予过多时,再给他们更多。你会看到成果。大家都会用经济崩溃的威胁来吓唬你,但这全是谎言。没有什么比经济更具弹性了,众人如此害怕经济,只是因为他们不了解它。[44]

尽管胡安·庇隆有上述声明,庇隆主义仍分裂为左翼和右翼,并在内部争夺主导地位[45]。虽然所有庇隆主义者都声称遵循庇隆的理念,但他们对庇隆计划的理解却大相径庭。左翼庇隆主义者认为庇隆的目标是建立“社会主义国家”。右翼庇隆主义者则认为庇隆的愿景更接近社团主义而非社会主义,并试图建立一个“有组织的社会”[46]。庇隆本人使用了诸如“国家社会主义”等非常模糊的说法,庇隆称其基于基督教社会价值观,旨在推翻阿根廷的“帝国主义奴役”[47]。庇隆认为他的社会主义不是马克思主义,而是基于基督教的,属于“不同形式的国家社会主义”。庇隆强调其与资本主义的区别在于构建“正义的社会制度”[48],该制度旨在终结资本主义对阿根廷的剥削,并对抗帝国主义。

庇隆始终将自己与社会主义人物联系在一起,他赞扬切·格瓦拉,并以同情的语气谈及毛泽东,庇隆对毛主义表现出深切的认同,并写道:“毛拒绝站在殖民主义一边,这为‘第三世界’奠定了基础,使各种社会主义民主制度可以和睦相处。民族主义与社会主义没有理由争吵,两者可以为解放人民这一共同目标而团结。”[49]庇隆还表示:“马克思主义不仅不与庇隆主义运动相矛盾,反而是对运动的补充。”庇隆将自己早期的反共言论解释为反对“阿根廷正统共产主义”,并认为这些共产主义者“站在寡头或布雷登的阵营一边”[50]

发展

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第一次世界大战后,阿根廷总统伊波利托·伊里戈延忽视了劳动者争取更高工资和改善工作条件的诉求。伊里戈延也未能在1916年至1930年间建立一个以中产阶级为基础的政治体系,主要因为他领导的激进公民联盟既缺乏意愿,又缺乏有效手段来对抗寡头统治[51]

1930年代,胡安·庇隆尚未为大众所知,但在阿根廷军队中备受尊敬。1939至1940年庇隆在意大利等地担任军事武官。庇隆凭借其在欧洲的经历与政治魅力,倡导建立新的政治秩序以改善阿根廷普通人的生活[52]。庇隆认为社会民主主义是可行替代方案[53],并认识到“产业工人阶级未必是阻碍,反而可被动员起来作为构建社团主义国家的基础,将劳动者的利益与部分民族资产阶级的利益相结合,以推进民族主义议程”[51]。庇隆在1943年阿根廷政变之后迅速获得了显赫的政治地位。他于1943年10月接管劳工部,开始巩固自己作为阿根廷工会盟友的声誉。庇隆在接受智利记者采访时将自己描述为“工会主义者”。1943年11月,国家劳工部改组为劳工与福利部,这赋予了庇隆对经济巨大的影响力。庇隆自视为天主教劳工主义者,并秉持“和谐与分配正义”的理念。1943年12月,庇隆与阿根廷最大的铁路工会达成协议。庇隆几乎满足了工会十五年来始终未能实现的诉求,这使他在工会成员中享有“阿根廷头号劳动者”的声誉[54]

1944年1月,由于纳粹德国与阿根廷军政府之间的秘密谈判曝光,佩德罗·巴勃罗·拉米雷斯将军被迫下台。军政府也被迫与轴心国断绝外交关系,并清洗内阁中的亲轴心国成员。温和派的埃德尔米罗·胡利安·法雷利上台,此举引发民族主义阵营的抗议。庇隆随即接管法雷利就任总统前掌管的战争部。1944年3月,铁路工人组织了一场支持庇隆的示威。到6月,庇隆成功掌控了金属工人工会。6月11日庇隆的演讲中提出了“武装国家”的概念,他认为战争是人类存在条件不可避免的结果。庇隆阐述,一个国家只有在“培养真正的[...]团结,并在人民中建立强烈的纪律意识和个人责任感”时,才能赢得战争。这篇演讲经常被国内外的反庇隆主义者引用,指责他具有法西斯倾向。1944年8月,随着巴黎解放的消息传到阿根廷,全国爆发了大规模的亲同盟国示威活动,抗议者要求亲纳粹立场的军政府下台,这使得军政府的威望遭到巨大打击[55]

1944年末,随着军政府面临改革与选举的巨大压力,庇隆开始大幅调整自己的观点和演讲。他宣称自己的最终目标是在阿根廷建立“真正的民主”,并开始在中上层阶级中寻找盟友。然而,由于遭到激进公民联盟的反对,庇隆转而致力于提升自己在工人阶级中的声望。政治学家指出:“庇隆再次发现自己只能依靠工会的支持,并在这一阶段公开支持民主社会主义[56]。庇隆赞扬了英国工党1945年英国大选中的胜利,将其视为人类“迈向新世界”的证明,并敦促阿根廷工人“如果不想让自己的权利被敌人剥夺,就必须亲自捍卫这些权利”。庇隆也接受了带有贬义色彩的称呼“赤膊者”,并将其转化为一种象征,代表那些贫困和赤贫的工人阶级,庇隆将引领他们迈向“民族解放[57]

受欢迎的胡安·庇隆升任副总统后,他很快被军方保守派视为威胁。1945年10月9日,法雷利和阿瓦洛斯迫使庇隆辞职,胡安·庇隆被逮捕。同年10月17日总工会发起大规模示威与罢工,促使庇隆获释。后来称10月17日为“忠诚日”。胡安·庇隆的女友伊娃·杜阿尔特(又称艾薇塔)因协助组织这场示威而大受欢迎,帮助庇隆赢得了劳工团体和妇女团体的支持。10月22日伊娃·杜阿尔特与胡安·庇隆结婚[58]。庇隆作为阿根廷工党的候选人,以53.7%的得票率赢得1946年大选。1947年阿根廷工党转变为“庇隆主义党”。

评价

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社会主义评价

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马克思主义

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自庇隆上台以来,就引发了众多社会主义者和共产主义者讨论是否应该支持庇隆主义。尽管阿根廷共产党起初反对庇隆,但在1945年6月,巴西共产党以普列斯特斯的名义发表声明:“阿根廷共产党反对法雷利和庇隆是严重的错误”[59]。1946年3月,阿根廷共产党改变了对待庇隆的立场,转为批判性支持[60]。1946年末召开的阿根廷共产党第十一次党代表大会和第六次全国代表大会均投票决定“认可政府施政中的积极方面”,并称赞庇隆的经济政策。该党还声明,必须反对任何推翻庇隆的政变企图,因为这些企图“只会让国家的反动派和帝国主义垄断势力获利”[61]

1947年,巴西共产党总书记路易斯·卡洛斯·普列斯特斯表示:“我们(巴西共产党人),尤其是我本人,清楚知道庇隆总统的政治倾向:他完全是民主的。”智利共产党参议员巴勃罗·聂鲁达也表达了类似的观点,他说:“阿根廷没有法西斯主义。庇隆是一位考迪罗,但不是法西斯头目。”[59]1955年,阿根廷共产党号召民众动员起来支持庇隆主义政权,并警告称,反庇隆主义的政变是由“屈从于美帝国主义和寡头集团的反动势力”领导的[61]

在《菲德尔·卡斯特罗访谈传记:我的一生》中,菲德尔·卡斯特罗称赞庇隆是一位进行社会改革的革命性反帝国主义者。卡斯特罗还表示:

进步军人的例子不胜枚举。在阿根廷,胡安·多明戈·庇隆也是军人出身。[...]他制定了许多有利于劳动人民的法律[...]庇隆犯过一些错误:他冒犯了阿根廷的权贵,羞辱了他们,把戏院和富人阶级其他的象征物收归了国有,但他们的政权和经济势力原封未动,他们利用有利时机在美国的同谋和支援下打倒了庇隆。庇隆的伟大之处在于,他把这个富饶国家拥有的财富和资源收归国有,并尽力为改善劳动人民的生活条件而奋斗。这个对他感恩不尽并忠贞不渝的社会阶层把庇隆变成了贫贱民众终身崇拜的偶像。[62]

1974年庇隆逝世时,卡斯特罗宣布全国哀悼三天,古巴方面称庇隆离世是“对整个拉丁美洲的打击”。卡斯特罗认为自己的意识形态与庇隆主义之间存在相似性与密切关系,并引用了切·格瓦拉的信件,信中切表示:“庇隆是阿根廷政治与经济改革最先进的体现。”[63]洛里斯·扎纳塔指出,“卡斯特罗与庇隆均代表着民族主义社会主义[...]理念同属一个家族”,“从乌戈·查韦斯到桑地诺革命,从解放神学到激进原住民主义,庇隆民族主义社会主义色彩铭刻在拉丁美洲的民粹主义信仰中”[64]

毛泽东也积极评价庇隆。毛泽东会见阿根廷亲庇隆的毛派民兵时曾表示:“如果我是年轻的阿根廷人,我会成为庇隆主义者。”[65]阿根廷革命共产党宣传此言论,并以此作为口号:“如果毛泽东是阿根廷人,他会成为庇隆主义者。”[66]庇隆也以类似的言论回复:“如果我是中国人,我会成为毛主义者。”庇隆还写道:“马克思主义不仅不与庇隆主义运动相矛盾,反而是对运动的补充。”庇隆在1972年11月12日的演讲中主张:“我们不应该害怕‘社会主义’这个词。”在访问社会主义国家罗马尼亚期间,庇隆认为:“该国政权诸多方面与正义主义相似。”[67]历史学家在论述毛主义与庇隆主义的关系时写道:

比1973年更早的几年,庇隆就与毛泽东开始了书信往来,双方在新的全球秩序以及发展中国家的引领作用等问题上达成了基本共识。[...]两位领袖的共识程度之高,使得庇隆主义的“第三立场”被视为毛泽东“三个世界理论”的先驱,这也让庇隆说出了那句:“这个中国小伙子窃取我的思想。”1969年中国领袖毛泽东会见由阿根廷年轻共产党人组成的代表团,在强烈表达了自己的毛主义信仰后,他们受到了伟大舵手的质疑:“你们为什么不是庇隆主义者?”[68]

由于庇隆主义敌视美国,庇隆主义得到了约瑟夫·斯大林的支持[69];庇隆被推翻后,苏联政府对庇隆主义政府有一定的怀念[70]。美国历史学家将庇隆主义描述为“极端民族主义的社会主义劳工运动[...]社会主义和民族主义”,并指出:“庇隆与斯大林之间存在某种亲近性,因为庇隆的五年计划参照了斯大林实施的经济计划。”[71]1950年代的社会主义南斯拉夫也对庇隆主义表现出兴趣和关注[72]

阿根廷庇隆主义政府与朝鲜存在着相互欣赏。历史学家写道:“庇隆主义不仅接近毛主义的三个世界理论,也接近金日成的思想,因为金日成与庇隆一样,主张具有本土根基的社会主义。”庇隆主义的刊物称金日成为“伟大领袖”,并认为主体思想与正义主义非常相似;一份庇隆主义刊物甚至将朝鲜称为“正义主义民主主义共和国”[73]。1973年9月,金日成在秘鲁—朝鲜文化与友好协会发表演讲时赞扬了庇隆:

当今第三世界的人民正为独立发出强有力的声音。不久前,阿根廷的庇隆将军说,他的国家正在走一条阿根廷式的革命道路,这条道路不同于资本主义道路,也不同于某个国家的社会主义道路(斯大林之后的苏联)。这等于说,他正在走独立的道路推进革命。在革命斗争中坚持独立自主很重要。我认为他的口号非常出色。[74]

庇隆是查韦斯主义的重要灵感来源,乌戈·查韦斯称自己是“真正的庇隆主义者”[75]。拉丁美洲研究中心主任埃里克·赫什伯格写道:“我一直认为查韦斯主义是拉丁美洲几十年来最接近庇隆主义的意识形态。”[76]查韦斯的继任者尼古拉斯·马杜罗也强调了庇隆主义与查韦斯主义之间的意识形态联系。2024年7月,马杜罗表示:“我是庇隆主义者,也是艾薇塔主义者。”[77]2025年马杜罗高呼:“注意,注意,马杜罗也是庇隆的战士”[78]

参见

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注释

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参考文献

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  12. ^ James P. Brennan. Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. 1998: 22. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8. One way to approach the problem might be to order the existing interpretations of Peronism into a three-tiered scheme that would group two competing schools of interpretation linked to Peronism's own internal debate (that is, alternative interpretations coming from within the movement's ranks) with a third, an exogenous perspective. The latter corresponds to the thesis that Peronism is a variant of fascism, with all the negative connotations that such a categorization implies. The former two do not present such a one-dimensional interpretation, as within each there is found a polemic, alternately recriminatory and approbative, sustained among Peronist, conservative, and socialist authors. These are the interpretations that on the one hand revolve around the concept of populism (at times National Populism), and on the other those interpretations that can be categorized as a form of Socialism (at times National Socialism), with revolutionary implications. 
  13. ^ James, Daniel. Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. 1988: 241. ISBN 0-521-46682-2. 
  14. ^ Underwood, Patrick. Conflict and Stability in the Neoliberal Era: Explaining Urban Unrest in Latin America (Doctor of Philosophy论文). University of Washington: 72. 2016. 
  15. ^ Jean-Pierre, Arthur Bernard. The Pelican Latin American Library: Guide to the Political Parties of South America. Michigan: Penguin Books. 1973: 39. ISBN 978-0-14-021625-7. The regime that was progressively establishing itself in Argentina may be described as populist - a combination of demagogy, nationalism, opportunism and paternalistic socialism. 
  16. ^ Hodges, Donald. Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. 1991: 56. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0. Consequently, Peron settled for the term 'justicialism.' The odds clearly favored his Christian and humanist version of socialism. 
  17. ^ James P. Brennan. Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. 1998: 28. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8. 
  18. ^ Ameringer, Charles D. The Socialist Impulse: Latin America in the Twentieth Century. University Press of Florida. 2009: 165. ISBN 978-0-8130-3812-4. 
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  22. ^ Amin, Samir. The Long Revolution of the Global South: Toward a New Anti-Imperialist International. 由James Membrez翻译. Monthly Review Press. 2019: 277. ISBN 978-1-58367-776-6. 
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  25. ^ Hodges, Donald. Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. 1991: 56. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0. 
  26. ^ Rooduijn, Matthijs. A populist Zeitgeist? The impact of populism on parties, media and the public in Western Europe. Amsterdam. 2013: 36. ISBN 978-90-9027334-1. 
  27. ^ Frederick Turner; Jose Enrique Miguens (编). Juan Perón and the Reshaping of Argentina. University of Pittsburgh Pre. 1983: 173. ISBN 978-0-8229-7636-3. 
  28. ^ James Brennan (编). The Labor Wars in Cordoba, 1955-1976: Ideology, Work, and Labor Politics in an Argentine Industrial Society. Harvard University Press. 2009: 9. ISBN 978-0-674-02875-3. 
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  33. ^ Gansley-Ortiz 2018
  34. ^ Park, Jay. The Peronist Paradigm: The Impact of Peronist Traditions on the Economic Recovery of Argentina in the Wake of COVID-19A thesis presented. Trinity College Digital Repository (Hartford, Connecticut: JSTOR). 12 April 2022: 11. JSTOR community.34031496. 
  35. ^
    • de la Torre, Carlos; Mazzoleni, Oscar. Populism and Key Concepts in Social and Political Theory. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. 2023: 125. ISBN 978-90-04-67901-6. National sovereignty also plays a role in radical left populism as research on Latin American populism has shown. In two of the most prominent cases, that of Peron in Argentina and Chávez in Venezuela, national sovereignty is understood as a trinom that equates people with the nation and ultimately the both of them with the leader. 
    • Kioupkiolis, Alexandros; Katsambekis, Giorgos. Radical Democracy and Collective Movements Today: The Biopolitics of the Multitude Versus the Hegemony of the People. Taylor & Francis. 8 April 2016: 102. ISBN 978-1-317-07195-2. However, where the notion of populist politics becomes more problematic is that even though it embodies an anti-systemic dmension, populist movements are generally organized around a leader: the desires, passions and aspirations of the people are symbolically invested within the figure of the leader who opposes the existing political order. Indeed, the examples of left wing populist movements that Laclau is especially fond of are Peronism of in Argentina, and the movements in support of Chávez in Venezuela. 
    • James, Daniel. Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. 1988: 208. ISBN 0-521-46682-2. Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary, and loyalty to its exiled and vilified leader often seemed enough of a definition of a political strategy. 
    • Walker, Ignacio. Democracy in Latin America: Between Hope and Despair. 由Krystin Krause; Holly Bird; Scott Mainwaring翻译. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame. 2013: 45. ISBN 978-0-268-09666-3. Aprismo had various counterparts within the heterogeneous Latin American left, such as Víctor Paz Estenssoro's MNR in Bolivia, the PRI (especially under Lázaro Cárdenas, 1934–1940) in Mexico, the Chilean Socialist Party, Varguismo in Brazil and Peronismo in Argentina (Waiss 1954). The "populist pact" was the trend among the Latin American left, which hindered the rise of a Marxist left that supported class warfare and revolution. 
    • Yilmaz, Ihsan; Saleem, Raja M. Ali. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. Populism & Politics (European Center for Populism Studies). 1 March 2022, 10 (1): 11. doi:10.55271/pp0010. Perhaps the most famous left-wing populist general was the Argentinian Juan Perón, who became the face of socialist populism (Calvo, 2021; Gillespie, 2019). 
    • Drake, Paul W. Between Tyranny and Anarchy: A History of Democracy in Latin America, 1800-2006. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. 2009: 18. ISBN 978-0-8047-6002-7. This priority for elitist order became a recurrent anthem on the right, from Venezuelan Simon Bolívar in the 1820s, to Chilean Diego Portales in the 1830s, to Argentines Juan Bautista Alberdi and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento in the 1850s, to Uruguayan José Enrique Rodó in the 1900s, to Chilean Augusto Pinochet and his plans in the 1980s for a democracy constrained by authoritarian features. By contrast, popular democracy became a lasting refrain on the left from Mexican Miguel Hidalgo in the 1810s, to the Mexican revolutionaries in the 1910s, to Peruvian Victor Raul Haya de la orre in the 1930s, to the Guatemalan revolutionaries and Argentine Juan Perón and Venezuelan Romulo Betancourt in the 1940s, to the National Revolutionary Movement in Bolivia in the 1950s, to Cuban Fidel Castro in the 1960s, to Chilean Salvador Allende and the Nicaraguan Sandinistas in the 1970s, to Peruvian Alan Garcia in the 1980s, to Venezuelan Hugo Chávez and Bolivian Evo Morales and Ecuadorean Rafael Correa in the 2000s. They placed a greater emphasis on mass mobilization dedicated to social equality. 
    • Wesoky, Jacob. Gaya Karalasingam; Breanna Hillgartner , 编. A Pious Paradox: Analyzing the Contradictory Paths of Chile and Argentina in Legalizing Same-Sex Marriage Amidst Varying Levels of Religiosity. Flux: International Relations Review (McGill University). 2024, 14 (2): 83. doi:10.26443/firr.v14i2.169可免费查阅. Starting in the 1940s, Juan Perón, an Argentine military officer and later secretary of labor amassed support from the working class and quickly became Argentina's most popular politician. His left-wing populist, nationalist, and corporatist ideology, known as Peronism, continued to shape Argentine politics, before and after the 1976-1983 military dictatorship. 
    • Funke, Manuel; Schularick, Moritz; Trebesch, Christoph. Populist Leaders and the Economy (PDF). 23 October 2020: 91. ISSN 0265-8003. Juan Perón ruled Argentina as president from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974. He led 'an anti-elitist movement that opposed the landowner oligarchy and established institutions' (Filc 2011, 228f). (...) With a view to the economy, he stressed social justice (Eatwell 2017a, Rooduijn 2014, Tamarin 1982), 'railed against the idle and exploitative rich' (Eatwell 2017a, 375) and against 'the local oligarchy, the foreign investors, and their political representatives' (Barbieri 2015). In his discourse the "main distinction between the people and the elite was of socioeconomic status' (Barbieri 2015, 217). He is therefore coded as left-wing populist.' 
    • Nicolás Cachanosky; Alexandre Padilla; Alejandro Gómez. Immigration and institutional change: Did mass immigration cause peronism in argentina?. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization. 2021, 184 (1): 1–15. S2CID 233580827. doi:10.1016/j.jebo.2021.01.027. We find no direct link between mass immigration and the rise of Peronism in Argentina. Even though immigrants were a crucial factor in Argentina's social and economic development, the rise of Perón and left-of-center populism resulted from politics unrelated to immigrants' presence. (...) Perón, not the preceding military governments, pushed government spending beyond its sustainable levels in a typical left-populist fashion (Dornbusch and Edwards, 1990). 
    • Hodges, Donald C. Argentina 1943-1976: The National Revolution and Resistance. University of New Mexico Press. 1976: 30. ISBN 0-8263-0422-2. Actually, the terms 'Nasserism' and 'Peronism' are interchangeable when applied to the younger generation of left-wing officers in Latin America. 
    • Castañeda Gutman, Jorge. Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War. Vintage Books. 1994: 39–40. ISBN 0-394-58259-4. Until the Cuban Revolution, Communist parties had shared the Latin American left's political stage with another broad political current that today partially retains its importance. The national-popular sectors that embody this movement trace their origins back to Latin America's so-called 'populist' tradition that surfaced in the 1930s. Peron in Argentina, Cardenas in Mexico, Vargas in Brazil, Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador, Haya de la Torre's APRA in Peru, and, up to a point, Victor Paz Estenssoro's Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario in Bolivia often continue to be central historical reference points for many contemporary political movements. These movements' original leaders, together with the historical periods of collective consciousness and popular enfranchisement, are symbols of an era and a certain idea of modernity in Latin America: the inclusion of the excluded. 
    • Vegter, Ivo. John Endres; Michael Morris , 编. Lessons for South Africa from Argentina's radical economic reforms. IRR Report (Braamfontein: South African Institute of Race Relations). 2025: 2. Since World War II, Argentina's politics had been dominated by a left-wing, populist, nationalist, state-industrialist movement named for its first exponent, then-colonel Juan Perón. 
    • Park, Jay. The Peronist Paradigm: The Impact of Peronist Traditions on the Economic Recovery of Argentina in the Wake of COVID-19A thesis presented. Trinity College Digital Repository (Hartford, Connecticut: JSTOR). 12 April 2022: 11;26. JSTOR community.34031496. For instance, while it is generally accepted that Peronism is left-of-center [...] Often described as a leftist splinter sect of Peronism (which by all accounts, is left-of-center to begin with), Kirchnerism began with the presidency of Néstor Kirchner in 2003. 
    • Gansley-Ortiz 2018
    • Barreneche, Sebastián Moreno. The Social Semiotics of Populism. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. 2023: 138. ISBN 978-1-3502-0541-3. In the case of Menem, this is particularly interesting because of his affiliation to Peronism, a left-wing political movement that originates in the politics of Perón (Grimson, 2019). 
    • Barrett, Patrick; Chavez, Daniel; Rodríguez-Garavito, César. The New Latin American Left: Utopia Reborn. Pluto Press. 2008: 6. ISBN 978-0-7453-2677-1. The nationalist, or popular left, which included such figures as Juan Domingo Perón (in Argentina), Getulio Vargas (in Brazil) and Lázaro Cárdenas (in Mexico). 
    • Wylde, Christopher. Emerging Markets and the State: Developmentalism in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan. 2017: 138–139. ISBN 978-1-137-55654-7. doi:10.1057/978-1-137-55655-4. Perón and Peronismo (Peronism) therefore represented a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military. 
    • Ellner, Steve. Latin America's Pink Tide: Breakthroughs and Shortcomings. Rowman & Littlefield. 2020: 7. ISBN 978-1-5381-2564-9. These writers also argue that twenty-first-century Latin American leftist governments, like Peronism in the 1940s, were doomed to failure since the success of their defiance of powerful actors was contingent on the indefinite duration of favorable international markets for their nations' exports. 
    • Edwards, Sebastian. On Latin American Populism, and Its Echoes around the World. Journal of Economic Perspectives (National Bureau of Economic Research). 2019, 33 (4): 81. doi:10.1257/jep.33.4.76. Juan Domingo Perón - left, nationalist. 
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